Image: Steve Reed MP.

Three things in life are certain: death, taxes, and the Westminster government’s disdain for Cornish identity. The latest example came in the form of the official government response to a petition calling for Cornish nationhood. It is a masterpiece of Whitehall waffle, promising devolution, praising “regional voices,” and assuring us that Cornwall’s status will not change. Which is, of course, precisely the problem.

Let’s not kid ourselves. This petition was never going to set the House of Commons aflame in enthusiastic agreement. When it was launched back in February, it barely made a ripple. The political class in Westminster treats the question of Cornish autonomy as a curiosity at best, a punchline at worst. And yet, when Cornwall Council voted in July to back a motion calling for nationhood, something changed. The petition suddenly caught fire. Of the 24,000 signatures it eventually attracted, 23,800 came in just two months. If we had had the full six months a petition is meant to get, the numbers would have been far higher, particularly since it was only just starting to pick up traction in Wales and in the occupied six counties in Ireland.

A load of bullshit from Westminster.

And how did the government respond? With the usual mixture of polite dismissal and condescension. The Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government tells us they “support devolution,” but only through “empowered Mayors of Strategic Authorities.” This is Westminster code for “we will let you have a say, but only if you say it through the structures we have designed, with the leaders we have chosen.”

This is all now under the watch of the new Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, Steve Reed. This is the same man who, as Environment Secretary, brought in inheritance tax changes on farms that will wipe out many Cornish family farms and allow corporate farming conglomerates to buy up the land.

He has also been one of the loudest voices opposing the nationalisation of water companies, even though Cornwall suffers some of the worst water pollution in Britain and the majority of the public supports public ownership. These are two of the biggest issues people in Cornwall care about: protecting our family farms and cleaning up our rivers and seas. And yet the man making decisions about Cornwall’s autonomy is someone who has already chosen the side of big business and privatised utilities. Is this really the person who should be deciding our future?

A long history of dismissal.

It would almost be funny if it were not so tired. The House of Commons has a long tradition of sniggering whenever Cornwall dares to assert itself. When Perran Moon stood up in Parliament recently to declare that he is Cornish and British, not English, the suits on the benches could not help themselves. They laughed. As though the very idea that Cornwall might have a distinct national identity is absurd.

And yet, it is not absurd. Cornwall is recognised under the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, the same instrument that recognises the Welsh and the Scots. The government likes to remind us of this, as though it is some grand concession, but they never quite explain why that recognition does not lead to the same respect for Cornwall’s political aspirations. Perhaps the answer is simple. We have not yet applied the same pressure that Wales and Scotland did before their referenda in 1997.

Consider Wales. When they held their vote on devolution in 1997, the result was hardly a resounding mandate, 50.3 percent in favour, on a turnout of just over 50 percent. The Yes camp won by a mere 6,721 votes. And yet that was enough to create the Welsh Assembly. Compare that to Cornwall, where we have never been given the chance to say yes or no.

Our occupation has been slower, subtler. Westminster has integrated Cornwall into England so thoroughly that most people in Britain think of it as just another English county. And like Cornwall, parts of Wales have also been eroded by an influx of English retirees and holiday makers. Pembrokeshire, for example, has been so heavily anglicised that its Welshness has been diluted, leaving many communities struggling to hold onto their language and culture. The same forces are at work in Cornwall, only more intensely, turning our towns and villages into seasonal playgrounds rather than living communities.

Standing firm.

Even here, we cannot ignore the fact that Cornish identity is being eroded by economic pressures. A whole generation of Cornish young people are being forced to leave because they cannot afford to live in their own nation. Those who remain are surrounded by second homes, Airbnbs, and housing developments approved by planning inspectors in Bristol who have never set foot in the village they are reshaping. Meanwhile, more and more people move here who simply see Cornwall as a lifestyle accessory rather than a nation.

These are the narratives we must challenge, loudly and unapologetically. And we must also get the blow in population, those who have made Cornwall their home, on board. In fact, some of the most passionate champions for Cornish autonomy are people who were not born here and have no family ties to the land. They came to Cornwall, recognised it as a nation rather than a county, and chose to fight for its language, culture, and future. Their voices are vital because they show that Cornish nationhood is not just a matter of ancestry, it is a living choice about belonging and self determination.

We cannot afford to let the question of Cornish nationhood be painted as parochial or insular. It is not a refusal to engage with the wider world. It is a demand for the right to govern ourselves and protect our culture, language, and land from exploitation.

No more waiting. No more begging. Kernow will decide its own future.